e-book OECD Economic Outlook, Volume 2009 Issue 1 (ECONOMIE)

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Urbanization and strong economic and population growth are causing rapidly increasing waste management and pollution challenges. Waste generation in Vietnam is expected to double in less than 15 years. Linked to this is the issue of marine plastics. Ninety percent of global marine plastic pollution is estimated to come from just 10 in-land rivers, and the Mekong river is one of them. Vietnam is among the ten countries worldwide that are most affected by air pollution.

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Water pollution has significant costs on productivity of key sectors and human health. Key strategies and plans to stimulate green growth and sustainable use of its natural assets are in place. The Government is also implementing measures to mitigate and adapt to climate change and address extreme weather events and natural disasters by operationalizing its Nationally Determined Contribution. The Government is also seriously assessing how to urgently address water and air pollution, marine plastics and need for solid waste management.

In addition, Vietnam benefits from a large and diverse portfolio of Advisory Services and Analytics ASA , with 44 currently active tasks. Many ASA engagements leverage country-level partnerships and trust funds from key development partners. Vietnam has been pursuing reforms and investments that aim to promote green growth and address its high vulnerability to climate change.

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The World Bank has supported Vietnam in promoting this sustainability agenda across various sectors. Through the Climate Change and Green Growth Development Financing , the World Bank made a strong contribution to the climate change and green growth reform agenda. One pillar helped improve inter-sectoral coastal planning and mainstream climate change into public investment across selected key sectors.

In addition, policies supported under this program helped promote the uptake of water-efficient irrigation practices and technologies and prompted provinces to establish protection corridors for main water sources. Reforms brought about by this program also contributed to improved energy efficiency of household appliances and increased investment in renewable energy, particularly solar. Between and , the project supported 40 coastal districts and coastal communes to shift from fragmented sectoral planning to an integrated spatial planning for co-management of fisheries.

The project also assisted 13, fishermen in adopting good aquaculture practices with the introduction of new eco-friendly technologies, while helping to improve the biosecurity infrastructure in which they operate. The project began in , when renewable energy was still a new concept in Vietnam and provided early-stage investment and technical support to build the requisite capacity and incentives among all stakeholders for scaled-up development.

New policy instruments were put in place, notably Power Purchase Agreements avoiding the cost tariff formula. In addition, 19 new small hydropower plants were built with a total capacity of MW, which supplied an annual volume of 1,GWh. All these plants met new environmental and social best practices, setting examples for others to follow. The Vietnam Industrial Pollution Management Project has significantly improved compliance with industrial wastewater treatment regulations in four of the most industrialized provinces in Vietnam.

Schmidt wished to hold a G7 summit in Bonn in July , and Carter made his participation conditional upon specific commitments regarding growth and energy policy. However the Bonn summit, like that held in London, did not address monetary questions—these were supposedly in the hands of the central banks, which were now more independent and compensated for this budgetary relaxation with monetary restriction.

The international monetary system has taken on some of the characteristics of a domestic credit system without a central bank. Following the US—and overall transpartisan—position, endorsed by the Jamaica Accords of January on floating exchange rates and the development of the financial industry, the McCracken report supported de facto a system of international monetary and financial coordination effected through the market, very different from Bretton Woods.

The locomotive strategy produced the intended effects on the recovery of global demand but fed, entirely unintentionally, into the inflationary dynamics linked to the second oil crisis at the end of Ironically, this success in the fight against inflation at the expense of unemployment signaled, in a way, the continued relevance of the Phillips curve. Via the study of a writing act that could be described as collusive, this sociohistory of expertise and economic ideas complicates any cognitivist determinism: even in a milieu reputed for its high degree of technical competence, the plausibility, and more especially the validation, of an idea, particularly on economic policy, depends on much more than its relation to an unequivocal reality.

It is a question of those charged with interpreting this reality, of their selection or conscription, as well as the social support actual or anticipated afforded to these individuals, their ideas, their plans, and the causalities they recognize as valid, invalidated, or confirmed. US domination was instantiated in the commissioning of the report, the appointment of the chair, the negotiations on how the report should be framed, the organization of side meetings, the leaks to the press, the expected reception of the text, and its final reworking.

Nevertheless, the neo realist and neo- Marxist analyses that content themselves with statist synecdoche should be countered: this was not a question of the unilateral domination of one strategic actor over a homogeneous international organization, but rather of the socially differentiated domination of a specific field of power over an institutionalized—and itself differentiated—sector of the international sphere. The US hold over the dominant sectors of the OECD the secretary-general and his cabinet, the Economics Department operated through a series of expectations and informal meetings that never cast doubt upon the integrity of the report as a whole.

For the OECD Secretariat, if these transactions involved compromises and strategic monitoring, they never needed to be justified internally: taken as practical, self-evident facts, they were part of the order of things, of the smooth running of the group of experts and of the organization itself. It was a question of the survival of the report and the credibility of the institution behind it, an institution whose funding depended primarily on the US administration.

The risk of marginalization was all the greater as this type of organization found itself increasingly circumvented by ad hoc multilateral meetings of heads of state such as the G7 , and challenged in its prerogatives of monetary and financial regulation by the reemergence of international capital markets. This complex but graspable social structuration, which shaped the governmental knowledge of the economy presented in the report in terms of its production and circulation, was marked by an international and asymmetrical confluence of the bureaucratic, political, academic, and even journalistic and business fields.

Inter organizational dynamics prohibited transgressions and imposed a rather dull symbolic dramaturgy of reassurance. With its representation of points of view that seem to be in opposition or to cancel one another out, the report defines only a midway, cautious position of continuity, a sort of toothing stone for future constructions.

The McCracken report remains wedded to the positions of Keynesian neoclassical synthesis without letting go of its central goal—full employment—but does so by integrating the fight against inflation to an unprecedented degree. Alongside the political alternations that took place in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany in tandem with the second oil crisis and its effects, the McCracken report is understood as one of the foundation stones of the neoliberal edifice.

Yet there was nothing in the report that authorized an exclusively conservative appraisal of budgetary and monetary policies, as advocated by the Reaganist supply-siders. Recovery policies, especially concerted ones, continued to be promoted, but only if they were situated within narrower margins. Nor was there anything to favor a new Bretton Woods that would have hindered the rise of international private industrial and financial operators, or to push for a redefinition of the well-being of nations in the manner of the Club of Rome. What is implicitly striking in this structure is the distancing of the institutions of representative and social democracy.

With the exception of a lunch with a representative of the US Congress, none of the participants had ever held, even remotely, a parliamentary mandate.

Rising trade conflicts are weakening the global economy

Trade unions, meanwhile, appear markedly diminished, if not dismissed, in terms of defining the ways out of the crisis. The Keynesian configuration seems to have been shot through by the same divide, but within it the economic and financial sectors of states and international organizations incorporated, even despite themselves, the development of social rights into their economic policy, delineating a form of re-embedding of economic liberalism. If the McCracken report ultimately acted as an international sounding board for a Keynesian economic policy that was biased nationally and would face a difficult future the Carter recovery package accepted in Bonn would be undermined by the second oil crisis —in other words, if it functioned as an instrument for the universalization of a particularism—it cannot be reduced to this alone.

The shifts that operated in the margins can be read retrospectively as so many breaches that opened up the edifice to those sometimes the same individuals who would gradually be in a position—in the political, bureaucratic, and academic fields, both national and international—to knock it down altogether. See Stock , James H. Martens , Kerstin and Jakobi , Anja P. Oxford : Oxford University Press , , 26 — 49 , here pp. Elgar , , This private association, bringing together around three hundred members from American, European, and Japanese economic, political, and academic fields, was cofounded in by David Rockefeller, who was also chair of Chase Manhattan Bank.

In the Rockefeller heir was also one of the cofounders of the Bilderberg group, which unlike the Trilateral Commission published no documents. Lindberg , Leon N.

The McCracken report belongs to the last category. Thompson , John B.


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Belgium was sometimes also included. Aggarwal , Vinod K. Ithaca : Cornell University Press , , — Simon became a millionaire in the s as one of the pioneers of leveraged buyout LBO. Papers in Political Economy 56 no. The temptation to seek the single factor responsible is as great as its results are incomplete, whether focused on the United States, Germany, or France.

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Coats , Alfred W. New York : Praeger , , —64 , here p. Graafland , Anita Amsterdam : N ibe , , See Phillips , A. See Samuelson , Paul A.

OECD Publishing, Centre for International Research on Economic Tendency Surveys

New York : McGraw-Hill , Teigen , Ronald L. Homewood : Irwin , See Johnson , Harry G. The other initiator of the critique was the future neo-Keynesian Edmund S. Eminent authors of neoclassical synthesis were by no means outdone in this effort to throw Keynesianism into crisis and objectify it: Hicks , John R. Gass interview cited above. Hirsch , Fred and Goldthorpe , John H.

Cambridge : Harvard University Press , , — The McCracken report eventually forecast the same difficulties concerning energy especially oil supply by See Arrow , Kenneth J. Norton , McCracken Indianapolis : Liberty Fund , Ford Presidential Library, boxes 1—4, P. Horton , , chap. Paris : Flammarion , , 9 — Marjolin was subsequently a key figure in international monetary affairs in the s and s.

He was responsible for two wide-ranging reports: the first, published in , advocated the liberalization of credit and banking rates so that prices would reestablish their role in the allocation of funds , as well as a policy of internalizing the French economy in an international context the Eurodollars market , making an independent monetary policy an illusion in the eyes of the group responsible for its redaction.

The second report, produced in for the European Commission, identified the institutional implications of the economic and monetary union, in particular the creation of a currency, the European Currency Unit ECU. In November , he presented a report on inflation in Japan to the Brookings Institution.